Selim Ibraimi- Classical geopolitics sees geography as a determinant of power that provides states with advantages in access to natural resources, security, etc. The term geopolitics was coined by the swedish scholar Rudolf Kjellen (1864-1922) in 1899, but later german scholars adapted it to “Geopolitics”, emphasizing land power over sea power in contrast to the idea of the american scholar Alfred Mahan (1840-1914) who focused on sea power or in other words “whoever controls the seas, controls the world”.
The british geographer Halford Mackinder (1861-1947) underlined that “control of large land masses (e.g., Eurasia) ensures global hegemony”. Later, the maritime comparisons of the american scholar Alfred Mahan influenced views on space, contested strategic points such as Greenland that it presents today, and many other cases. When we talk about classical geopolitics, we always remember the 20th century, the international situation after the First World War, and the Second World War.
The decisions of the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 encouraged Germany to become aggressive. High-ranking german officials, together with scholars, thought about a larger german territorial space, otherwise known in German as “Lebensraum”, which was related to the studies of the german geographer Friedrich Ratzel (1844-1904). The loss of colonies and territory that were once under german sovereignty created a sense of spatial limitation in the then-Germany, making german scholars support a Germany that needed more resources and territorial space.
While talking about the geopolitics of the 19th and 20th centuries, it is impossible not to think about current events in Europe, the US, China, Russia, and, of course, the Arctic. But it is impossible not to say nothing about Germany’s ambitions, especially after troubled relations with the US under president Donald Trump, adding to concerns among european members themselves about a stronger economy and global position. In this chaos, Germany and german Chancellor Friedrich Merz have shown signs and are even working domestically and with other partners to achieve these goals, not as in the 20th century, but through institutions, cooperation, strong partnerships, and, of course, a strong economy for the 21st century.
Recently, german Chancellor Friedrich Merz said in Davos, Switzerland: “Both Germany and Europe have squandered a huge potential for economic growth in recent years, dragging out reforms and unnecessarily and excessively restricting entrepreneurial freedom and personal responsibility. We must significantly reduce bureaucracy in Europe. The single market was once designed to form the most competitive economic area in the world.”
According to him, the world has entered an era of great power politics, where Russia and China challenge the US. According to Chancellor Merz, Europe must increase competitiveness and invest in defense. “A world of great powers is the new reality. Europe and Germany have understood this. “We are facing this challenge,” said Merz. “The federal government is pursuing an ambitious reform agenda, with a main focus on security, competitiveness, and european unity,” said Merz.
From a historical perspective, german geopolitics after the decisions of the Versailles Conference (1919) was more a consequence of the insecurity of Germany damaged during the First World War, which later, despite the birth of the Weimar Republic (1918), in 1933 everything changed with the coming to power of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party or Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP). And of course, after a national, human, economic, and military catastrophe, it was known that the Nazi government after 1933 would pursue policies of territorial expansion based on the concept of “Lebensraum”.
Both then and now, governments have pursued an interest-based approach nationally, as the recent meeting of statesmen in Davos, Switzerland, demonstrated. Despite their differences and interests, states on both sides of the Atlantic play an important role in international politics. The US, under pressure, expects european countries to spend more on militaries and to protect societies, especially to create competitive economies. Moreover, the disagreements in the West are an opportunity for some EU countries to regain their position in world affairs, as they did long ago.
Germany, detached from the past, could take on a broader role. On the one hand, Berlin officials could be accused by neighboring countries and the world that the new german approach could be a policy similar to Nazi geopolitics. But the government in Berlin can easily refute such accusations. German Chancellor Merz made this known in Davos, implying that Germany will follow a pragmatic path and will not state only in the transatlantic vector. Regardless of whether or not a common language is found with the US in Greenland, european countries in the struggle for dominance in the Arctic or elsewhere will be forced to survive through sub-blocs through a strong economy that will not only be an importer, but also an exporter.
Germany, with a GDP of 4.5 trillion euros, can do this and remain on the global stage for decades. Mainly, Germany can focus on Central and Eastern Europe, the Balkans, etc., where Germany has historically played a role before and after 1815, the Congress of Berlin (1878), the First World War, the Second World War, and after the Cold War.
The revival of Germany is not only feasible, but also necessary to maintain peace among EU members, in the Balkans,s and elsewhere. Germany, through the Berlin Process, the Common Market, and the 6 billion euro financial package for the Balkans, aims to help not only the Balkans. Germany is the main economic partner for most balkan countries. It has been their voice for european integration, immigrants, and beyond. German efforts through organizations and the multipolar world will be a counterweight to the US, which has become active with the Monroe Doctrine (1823). For the Balkans, a new and pragmatic German policy would be welcome, as it would rely mainly on economics and much less on any policy related to the Lebensraum of the 20th century. It is clear that now is the time for Germany, with the most powerful economy in Europe and a respected country worldwide for accuracy and quality.
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